It includes balseros , or rafters, who float to Florida aboard improvised vessels as well as the beneficiaries of a special visa lottery system the two governments agreed to implement in Perceptions of economic deprivation and opposition to the Castro regime have gone hand in hand for many Cuban migrants over the past four and a half decades. In contrast, most migration from the rest of Latin America, with a few notable exceptions, has been driven by economic motives. Throughout all four phases, U.
Virtually all Cuban migrants have been admitted under a special parole power exercised by the U. Attorney General that immediately grants them full legal status and puts them on a path to U. Under current U. There are approximately 1. The state with the next highest concentration of Cubans is New Jersey 81, , followed by New York 78, , California 74, and Texas 34, The median age of Cubans is 41, considerably higher than the rest of the Hispanic population 27 but about the same as non-Hispanic whites The median age of Cubans who entered the United States before is Among those who entered between and , the median age is 50 and among those who entered after it is Cubans in Florida have a higher median age than Cubans elsewhere in the country 42 vs.
One of the characteristics of the Hispanic population is that Latinos tend to be younger than the rest of the U. But this is not the case with Cubans. Reflecting their unique welcome under U. For the first time since , Cubans leaving their country without visas were considered illegal aliens subject to deportation, just like Haitians, Dominicans, or Salvadoreans.
This policy shift represents the beginning of the end of the special status of Cuban immigrants in the United States. Emigration began with the disaffected sectors of the Cuban Revolution, initially concentrated in the most privileged groups of pre-revolutionary society especially urban, upper — and middle — class whites.
But the subsequent deterioration in U. During this period, working-class, dark-skinned, and rural migrants left Cuba in larger numbers than before. In the s, the economic crisis deepened the migratory potential and even impacted formerly pro-revolutionary segments of the population. Finally, economic motives have become as important as political ones during the latter phases of the exodus. Cuban communities are also notable in Madrid, Caracas, and Mexico City, but little has been published about them Geographic distribution of the cuban population in the United States, Number of Cubans.
Percent of Cubans. New Jersey. New York. Other states. Metropolitan area. Miami, Florida. Los Angeles, California. New York, New York. Tampa, Florida. Other areas. In Union City, Mariel refugees recently organized a rumba group at the Esquina Habanera restaurant Initially deterritorialized identities have taken hold across national boundaries through such settlement patterns.
Even where they share the same neighborhoods with other ethnic and racial groups — such as Nicaraguans in Sweetwater or Colombians in Queens —, Cubans tend to remain socially encapsulated in their own communities.
Although residential segregation has many pernicious effects, it allows for the consolidation of Cuban barrios and the transformation of the urban landscape along transnational lines. It also makes possible some degree of political representation through concentration in certain electoral districts. Since the s, Cubans in the United States have been increasingly empowered, partly as a result of their extreme clustering in south Florida and northern New Jersey.
Another large Cuban enclave is found in Hialeah to the north of Dade County. In , sixteen percent of all Cubans in the county lived in the core of Little Havana and another 22 percent lived in Hialeah In Miami, Cuban-American culture thrives through numerous commercial Spanish-language signs and mass media, coffee shops, grocery stores, restaurants, social clubs, political organizations, Catholic and Afro-Cuban yard shrines, artistic and musical activities, and the popular Calle Ocho Festival.
The shrine to Our Lady of Charity, the patron of Cuba, located in downtown Miami, embodies the diasporic identity of Cubans in exile In several essays, Portes has defined the enclave as a spatial concentration of ethnic enterprises and residences with a wide variety of economic activities and a large ethnic market that competes with the dominant economy According to this definition, the Cuban enclave of Miami has expanded dramatically over the past four decades. In , Cubans owned 7 businesses in the Miami-Hialeah area, most of them in services, retail trade, and construction.
By , Cubans owned 46 firms in the Miami metropolitan area. The city now has the second largest concentration of Hispanic-owned businesses in the United States after Los Angeles By , more than half of all foreign-born Cubans in the United States had become U. Once they naturalize and register to vote, Cuban-Americans tend to support the Republican Party and its conservative ideology.
The exiles have recently organized as a pressure group to defend their interests in U. As a result, their voice has been heard more clearly in local, state, and national arenas.
During the s, three Cuban Americans were elected to the U. Here, too, the exiles have created a strong ethnic community that protects them from personal and social disorganization, although scholars have debated whether they have constituted an economic enclave such as the one in Miami.
For instance, the residential pattern of Cubans in West New York-Union City is much more dispersed than in Miami, and their occupational distribution is much more concentrated in blue-collar jobs in light manufacturing.
Many were members of the lower class in Cuba, but others were professionals and managers who were forced to accept lower-status jobs in the United States. However, initial downward occupational mobility has been a common experience for Cubans in the United States, especially those arriving in the early s.
This allegiance to Cuban identity is partly due to the predominance of foreign-born immigrants, but also to the proliferation of Cuban organizations in the area. In Milwaukee and Indiana-polis, for example, most exiles quickly adjusted to their new occupations and regained their former Cuban status On average, Cubans have higher incomes, educational levels, and occupational skills in states like Illinois and California than in Florida and New Jersey.
Unfortunately, little detailed information is available for Cuban communities outside the main centers of the diaspora In , over 57 Cubans lived in New York City alone. Since , many Cubans continued to move to New York and settled primarily in Washington Heights, in northwest Manhattan. They are often physically removed from other minorities because they tend to live in the suburbs of metropolitan areas, whereas the latter are largely confined to inner-city districts.
Even when they share the same neighborhoods, as in Washington Heights, Latinos usually cross national lines only in public places such as parks, schools, markets, and churches In the last three decades, Cubans have been moving out of New York and New Jersey and into Florida, as part of a resettlement pattern characteristic of the entire Cuban population in the United States. But they deserve special attention because they display yet another adaptive strategy among Cubans in exile. The Cubans who moved to San Juan were even more over-representative of the propertied classes in their country of origin than those who moved to the U.
For example, the Cuban-born population in Puerto Rico has a much larger share of upper-status workers, such as managers and professionals, than in the U. Cuban immigrants also have higher income and educational levels than the Puerto Rican-born population. And they tend to live in upper-middle class neighborhoods within the San Juan metropolitan area United States.
Puerto Rico. Managerial and professional. Technical, sales, and administrative support. Precision production, craft, and repair. Operators, fabricators, and laborers. Farming, forestry, and fishing. Prior to the Revolution, most of them were employed in the service sector of those urban centers, primarily as white-collar workers such as professionals and managers.
To a large extent, their economic adaptation depended on their ability to transfer past resources, both economic and social, to a new environment. For example, many early refugees established credit with U.
Others formed commer-cial partnerships with friends and relatives who had moved to San Juan. Although many exiles suffered an initial loss of occupational status in Puerto Rico, most regained it within a single decade. In brief, an important sector of the Cuban petty bourgeoisie was reconstituted in San Juan between and Like other middleman minorities, Cubans entered the middle and higher levels of commerce and in some cases virtually monopolized entire sectors of trade and services, such as small shops, bakeries, food retailing, the mass media, real estate, and advertising.
They gained a special access to occupations that were either above the reach of the majority of the Puerto Rican population or beneath the dignity of the local elite, filling a status gap between dominant and subaltern classes.
Like other middleman minorities, Cubans in Puerto Rico are almost exclusively urban dwellers; unlike ethnic enclaves, they do not concentrate spatially in a single residential district. Nor do they focus on an ethnic market, like Cubans in Miami, but rather cater to the larger economy.
Finally, in contrast to the situation in south Florida, Cuban enterprises in San Juan tend to employ a majority of non-Cubans, except in positions of trust. While Cubans in Miami have established an economic enclave, those in West New York-Union City have developed a working-class community, and others have been absorbed into the primary labor market, Cubans in Puerto Rico have assumed a distinctive commercial and entre-preneurial role.
They have invested most of their capital and labor in retail trade and business services, primarily as managers, adminis-trators, sales and clerical workers. Most work for themselves, for their compatriots, or for other foreigners. In sum, Cubans in San Juan fit the occupational profile of a middleman minority. Census American Community Survey 5-year Estimate, Many or all of the products featured here are from our partners who compensate us. This may influence which products we write about and where and how the product appears on a page.
However, this does not influence our evaluations. An estimated 2. Cubans in this statistical profile are people who self-identified as Hispanics of Cuban origin; this includes immigrants from Cuba and those who trace their family ancestry to Cuba.
Hispanic population in At the same time, the Cuban foreign-born population living in the U. The following key facts compare demographic and economic characteristics of the Cuban-origin population in the U. Hispanics and the U.
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